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How Maloney got right here: The suddenly tough race rattling Dems at the finish

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ARMONK, N.Y. — Republicans first focused House Democratic campaigns chief Sean Patrick Maloney’s blue district right here in the Hudson Valley as an act of trolling their arch-nemesis. Now they’re taking their prospects critically.

And so is Maloney. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee chair and his allies are answering the GOP’s escalation with tens of millions of {dollars} from exterior teams, whereas Maloney steps up his already grueling marketing campaign schedule at dwelling.

Swooping in to rescue their very own campaigns chief is the final place Democrats wished to be in the remaining days of the midterms. His struggles have led some in the get together to rethink their tendency to elect swing-seat DCCC leaders, however for the second Maloney’s simply seeking to cling on.

“This is nothing new for me,” he claimed of the GOP onslaught after a Wednesday city corridor to advertise his work on reducing prescription drug costs. Indeed, in 2016 he gained reelection at the same time as most voters in his then-district picked Donald Trump for president.

Yet his isn’t the solely district the place President Joe Biden romped in 2020 just for the GOP to now surge to a level few Democrats anticipated months in the past. There’s rising panic about Democratic-leaning seats flipping in the Portland suburbs and in California, the place Rep. Julia Brownley (D-Calif.), who has warned colleagues her deep-blue seat could possibly be in hassle.

Maloney mentioned the get together sources to help his race towards his GOP opponent Michael Lawler are comparable and even lower than different tough districts, at the same time as Democratic teams quietly funnel cash to him that’s desperately wanted elsewhere as candidates grapple with a nationwide money crunch. In reality, he described his personal suddenly aggressive race as a useful diversion of Republican funds.

“They’ve made the resolution to spend $10 million of MAGA cash attempting to beat me,” he mentioned, “and that makes me happy that they’re not spending it out there against the frontliners I’m working so hard to elect. And when the dust settles, I’m going to win this race.”

The latest group to aid him is VoteVets, a super PAC that typically supports Democrats with military and national security experience. It reported spending $1.2 million in TV ads for Maloney, who is not a veteran.

Beyond his race, Democratic super PAC spending has become a sensitive topic of late because the party doesn’t have enough resources to contest all potentially winnable districts — and is triaging as a result. In the last week alone, national Democrats pulled out of an open-seat race in rural Wisconsin; seemingly abandoned the progressive who primaried Rep. Kurt Schrader (D-Ore.); and threw last-minute money into an Oregon seat where voters backed Biden by 14 points.

In the exurbs of greater Los Angeles, Brownley is also getting spooked. Though her district went for Biden by 20 points, she’s been dialing up fellow California delegation members seeking more financial help, according to several people familiar with the conversations. Her team was rattled by a recent internal poll that showed her up by only 1 point, those people said. (The independent expenditure arm of EMILY’s List went on the air for her in recent days.)

As for Maloney, most fellow Democrats agree they had no choice but to protect him in order to avoid a humiliating defeat for their campaign arm’s leader — and to hold a must-win seat. But his predicament has compounded the sense of frustration among some in the party about how their DCCC chief has handled the midterms — including his hardball move to leapfrog a more junior colleague and stake a claim to the redrawn 17th District that runs through New York City’s northern suburbs.

Maloney has repaired many of those intra-party relationships: Even progressive leader Rep. Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) observed that “we may disagree about what led us here, but he’s our candidate” after siding with Rep. Mondaire Jones (D-N.Y.) in this spring’s redistricting spat with Maloney that ended with Jones losing a primary in New York City.

Still, Maloney’s shaky fate is prompting reflection within the House Democratic caucus. Some members portray an emerging consensus that the party should not choose another DCCC chief whose own political survival could be in question.

As battle-tested as Maloney may be, he’s the second straight DCCC leader to face reelection trouble. Rep. Cheri Bustos (D-Ill.), nearly lost her own reelection in 2020 after Republicans went after her, too. Ultimately she decided to retire from Congress entirely.

“I don’t think a frontliner should ever be DCCC chair. … It’s almost a conflict of interest,” mentioned one battleground-seat House Democrat who spoke candidly on situation of anonymity, pointing to the back-to-back Bustos-Maloney struggles — despite the fact that neither campaigns chief technically joined the program for endangered incumbents.

Top Republicans put a goal on Maloney’s again at the very begin of this cycle, lengthy earlier than his redistricting woes. But operatives mentioned they started sensing a shift in the race this summer season amid rising voter worries about inflation and crime, fueling the GOP’s first massive buy. Now, GOP teams have made it a precedence of their increasing map.

“I feel very good with 13 days left,” Lawler, Maloney’s GOP opponent and a state Assembly member, mentioned Wednesday as he campaigned in Rockland County. “The fact that the chair of the DCCC has to be on defense in a district that Joe Biden won by 10 points speaks volumes to where the electorate is and the campaign that we’ve been able to put together.”

New York Democrats proceed to level fingers at the state’s sloppy redistricting course of for making a handful of the most competitive races in the nation, together with this one. (They additionally level to Maloney’s major problem from liberal state Sen. Alessandra Biaggi, which took up each time and sources.)

Lawler doesn’t disagree that New York’s court-drawn maps gave his get together a shock benefit, however mentioned it solely amplifies that Democrats are out of contact with space voters. One notable instance: His native Rockland County has a 2-1 Democratic enrollment benefit, however has elected a Republican county government for nearly three many years.

Voters in the new seventeenth District — which incorporates a part of Westchester County, together with extra exurban counties like Putnam and Rockland — do not match into a standard blue-leaning narrative, Lawler contended. In addition to a big and politically lively Orthodox Jewish voting bloc, he pointed to the space’s massive proportion of households with a police officer, a firefighter, a veteran or first responder residing there.

“It’s a highly educated community, but it’s blue-collar and working class,” Lawler mentioned in an interview at a Nyack pizza parlor he has frequented for years, including: “Where I’m hitting him is precisely the place [voters] are targeted — on the economic system and crime.”

Maloney, meanwhile, revealed to his senior-citizen audience on Wednesday that he’s going to be a grandparent, to gasps and applause. Then he touted what’s become a common Democratic theme in the final days before Nov. 8: health care for seniors.

“I’m not going to do politics today,” Maloney said at a senior living community facility on Wednesday, vowing to increase Social Security payments and lower Medicare premiums, with the help of Democrats’ recent party-line health care, climate and tax bill. “But I do think it’s important that you know where we stand.”

Then he warned of Republicans: “But in case you put the different guys in, they’ve got a really completely different view.”

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Author: Anna Gronewold, Sarah Ferris and Ally Mutnick

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